CIA given license to torture

President Bush vetoed legislation that would have forbidden the CIA from using certain torture techniques, such as simulated drowning. It seems a clear sign of what we have lost due to excessive concern about terrorism – the understanding that governments are the most dangerous entities in the world. While they generally lack the desire to cause mayhem that defines terrorist groups, the powers governments have are so vast that they can do great harm through simple ineptitude, or a failure to police the actions of their agents. Facilitating torture is an international crime, and for good reason. It is a shame that geopolitics ensures that none of America’s new generation of torturers will even find themselves on trial in The Hague.

Stopping this legislation ensures that a few more people will be tortured needlessly, in violation of international law and the kind of ethics that we are supposedly trying to defend from terrorism. Furthermore, I think it’s likely that decisions like this will be looked back on in thirty years time much as we now look back on using the CIA to arm Osama bin Laden and the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, or help keep Pinochet in power. In the long term and in purely geopolitical terms, it will prove to be an own-goal for the United States – further tarnishing its increasingly shaky reputation on human rights and emboldening governments like China and Sudan to treat the idea even more disdainfully.

This Michael Ignatieff article, which I have doubtless linked previously, does a very good job of treating the subject of torture ethics intelligently. Henry Shue has a less convincing argument.

Obama on gay rights

Billboard frame, Ottawa

Whereas John McCain thinks that it is a principle of “Human Dignity” that the “family represents the foundation of Western Civilization and civil society and… believes the institution of marriage is a union between one man and one woman,” Barack Obama has issued an open letter calling for equal rights for lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgendered individuals.

Unfortunately, Obama doesn’t come out and call for the legalization of gay marriage: doubtless due to a political calculation about what homophobia might cost him in a general election. While that is probably smart politics, it is a disappointing thing to see from a candidate that tries to paint himself as so progressive. In fifty or one hundred years, I am convinced that people in liberal societies will see restricting gay marriage as equally unjust as restricting interracial marriage or marriage between different social classes. It’s a shame that even progressives in the United States cannot recognize this now.

In truth, even McCain probably doesn’t have a problem with two people of the same sex getting married for the same reasons – and under the same laws – as any mixed sex couple might. The politics of the American conservative movement simply make it suicidal to acknowledge that.

Previous posts on gay marriage:

Pickton should face another trial

PCO building, Ottawa

The decision of the British Columbia Attorney General not to prosecute 20 additional murder charges against Robert Pickton seems like a failure to strike the proper balance between the good use of government resources and the pursuit of justice. It has frequently been pointed out that had his victims been less marginalized members of society their initial disappearances would have been much more thoroughly investigated. Similarly, the failure of the police to appreciate what was occurring and put a stop to it over such a long period of time would have been deemed negligent and unacceptable. By choosing not to prosecute all the murders for which the Crown has evidence, the marginalization of these women is being further entrenched. It is inconceivable that the second trial would not occur if the victims had been wealthy residents of Shaughnessy or the British Properties.

The creation of a detailed public record of what transpired has societal value: both for those who knew the victims and for those who hope to improve the future operation of the police and justice systems. The argument for having a trial is therefore similar to the case I made previously for completing Slobodan Milosevic’s trial after his death. In such cases, the point is not to punish the offender; it is, rather, to make the facts of the situation known, demonstrate places where errors were made, and provide some guidance for future behaviour. On an important but less practical level, a second trial would also be an assertion of the equal human worth of the second group of victims: an especially important message to send given the ways in which the supposed equality of law is not always as meaningful or substantial as it ought to be.

Business model patents

Lights outside Ottawa city hall

Intellectual property remains one of the most hotly contested areas in law and politics right now: with everything from the cost of patented drugs in third world countries to the illicit downloading of television shows under contention. What is important to recall throughout all of this is the reason for which the patent system exists: to encourage (a) innovation and (b) the disclosure of how new inventions work by offering a time-limited monopoly to the inventor. On the basis of this fundamental purpose, it seems fair to say that ‘business model’ patents should be eliminated.

A famous example is Amazon.com’s dubious patent on ‘one click shopping.’ To begin with, the idea probably fails the obviousness test. Something immediately obvious to almost anyone well-studied in the field is not supposed to be patentable. More crucially, the Amazon patent doesn’t represent genuine innovation, and it serves no public purpose to have the details explained in a patent. As such, society as a whole only suffers when such legal rights are granted.

A more recent case also illustrates the point. A couple in Utah is suing Starbucks and Apple for patent infringement. Starbucks is giving away gift cards that can be used to download particular music tracks from the iTunes music store. The couple claims that they have a patent on this idea. Can anybody legitimately claim that society would be better off if everybody who gave away such gifts cards had to pay licensing fees to the couple? You can argue that the premiums people pay for patented drugs are essential to ensuring that pharmaceutical firms have sufficient funds for further research; no comparable argument can be made for business model patents. Such patents are useless and parasitic and, as such, should be done away with.

British Columbia carbon tax

Buses at the Rideau Centre, Ottawa

In a relatively big announcement today, British Columbia has announced a new carbon tax on gasoline, diesel, natural gas, coal, propane and home-heating fuel. Canada-wide, the combustion of fossil fuels represents about 70% of total emissions, with the remainder consisting of things like industrial process emissions and those associated with landfills. The B.C. tax takes effect on July 1st, starting at $10 a tonne and rising to $30 a tonne by 2012.

Like many proposed carbon taxes, the British Columbian scheme aims to be revenue neutral, with the funds collected being primarily redistributed back to consumers through reductions in other taxes and increased grants to low-income individuals. This somewhat reduces the environmental effectiveness of the tax, since some of the refunded money will be used to continue doing emissions intensive things, but it makes it easier to defuse claims that this is an excessive new burden on low income people. The projected emissions reduction for the next three years is 1 Mt per year – just 1.5% of the B.C. total, but a start. At present, British Columbia is in the middle of the pack when it comes to emissions among Canadian provinces: approximately on par with Quebec and Saskatchewan, but significantly behind Alberta and Ontario.

B.C. is also part of a regional climatic organization called the Western Climate Initiative, which aims to launch a cap-and-trade scheme for greenhouse gasses. With luck, such provincial and regional systems will yield both absolute reductions in emissions and useful lessons in policy design.

Costly delays at Yucca Mountain

Mosque and power lines

Persistent delays at Yucca Mountain – the Congressionally appointed future home for American nuclear waste – could prove very expensive to taxpayers. Under an agreement between nuclear power utilities and the Department of Energy, firms are charged 1/10th of a cent per kilowatt hour for waste disposal. Yucca Mountain was meant to be open and accepting fuel in 1998.

So far, the delay has cost the American Treasury $342 million in rebates so far, and is projected to cost $11 billion if the facility doesn’t open before 2020. Given the tooth-and-nail resistance from the Nevada government, and the history of lengthy lawsuits in the United States, it’s not impossible that such a delay will occur. Meanwhile, wastes continue to be stored in relatively expensive and high-maintenance cooling ponds and dry storage casks. In the whole mess, consumers lose out twice. The costs for eventual disposal imposed on utilities were passed on to them; as taxpayers, they will also end up paying most of the cost for Yucca Mountain or whatever alternative long-term disposal facility is eventually used.

The situation could be even worse than it seems. Both Clinton and Obama have announced their opposition to the project. Presumably, having one of them win the presidency would return the whole process to the preliminary site selection phase, back where it was thirty years ago. Regardless of one’s position on nuclear power, the need to store the wastes that exist in a safe, economically viable, and long-term way is inescapable. Keeping the waste in a large number of small sites increases both costs and risks.

Canada also lacks a facility for the long-term storage of radioactive wastes.

Wikileaks and whistleblowers

My cousin Tamara and her SO

Wikileaks is a website that allows anonymous whistleblowers to disseminate sensitive or embarrassing documents online. These could be anything from evidence of corruption and bribery in government to corporate wrongdoings to secret military interrogation manuals. While the ability to publish anonymously does have potential for abuse, it is also a valuable public service. There are plenty of barriers that prevent people from becoming whistleblowers, even when there is massive evidence of wrongdoing. Having technological mechanisms to aid the process – and reduce the dangers of retribution – thus serves the public interest. Particularly in places where governments are undermining traditional forms of public and legal oversight, such as in the treatment of terrorist suspects, there is extra value in whatever sources of information remain accessible.

As of today, the site is suffering from a California court decision that required Dynadot – the domain name registry that associates the URL ‘Wikileaks.org’ with an IP address – to “prevent the domain name from resolving to the wikileaks.org Web site or any other Web site or server other than a blank park page until further notice.” This doesn’t make the site inaccessible, since the server can be accessed directly at http://88.80.13.160/, but it will prevent a good number of people from finding it. The ruling arose from proceedings involving Julius Baer – a Swiss bank that leaks have implicated in tax evasion and money laundering in the Cayman Islands. In addition to the DNS restriction, the site is apparently suffering from a denial of service attack, probably orchestrated by one or more organizations the site has embarrassed.

The final result of this will be an interesting development in the ongoing battle to control what kind of information can be distributed online, whether that can be done anonymously or not, and which jurisdictions are most accommodating towards such activities.

Law and morality

Tall ship ice sculpture at Winterlude, Ottawa

There is no fundamental connection between morality and law. Law derives from the combination of rules and the existence of an authority with the ability and will to enforce them, at least most of the time. Morality, by contrast, has to do with situations, the options available to individuals, and the likely consequences of possible actions.

It is possible to imagine cases in which particular actions are moral but not legal (riding in the section of the bus reserved for white people, despite being black in segregationist America or South Africa) as well as actions that are legal but not moral (clearcutting a huge swath of forest after buying a permit from a purely self-interested king). If you accept that it might be morally necessary to lie to a group of Nazi soldiers about where a group of Jewish children are hiding, you accept that it can sometimes be acceptable, or even laudable, to violate the laws that happen to exist in a certain state at a certain time. Simply following the law without evaluating its relation to morality makes a person no better than a secret police officer, mindlessly following orders to round people up to face uncertain fates.

Pragmatism isn’t a morally relevant quality, at least in and of itself. The fact that the state may punish you for breaking the law or failing to act as the law demands doesn’t have any moral force, one way or the other. The relationship between pragmatism, morality, and law is based around the pragmatic evaluation of the consequences of obeying or not obeying the law. Not obeying the law against arson is unlikely to have positive effects; ignoring the law against trespassing, when some important purpose compels the unapproved passage through someone else’s property, is likely to be defensible in many more cases.

Reasons why the law can be moral

In democratic societies, a good case can be made that the law is usually compatible with morality. Partly, this is the result of the democratic process, which includes some relatively good protections against the unjust domination of one group by another.

Sometimes, law is important because it provides clear guidelines and thus produces better overall outcomes. A good example is speed limits. We can agree pretty easily that there should be some limit, though people might disagree on what it is. It is safer and easier to choose a reasonable figure than to let everyone decide individually. Both domestically and internationally, law plays an important coordinating role. It keeps radio stations from interfering the the transponders of aircraft and ensures that one’s laptop can be plugged into any properly functioning electrical outlet in the state.

At a higher level of abstraction, law is important for reconciling divergent moral perspectives: say, one that sees it as unacceptable to portray Mohammed visually and another that has no such qualms. Particularly within a democratic system, law plays a vital role in creating the boundaries within which we can make demands of one another. For instance, I may have no right to demand that you remove a religious symbol from your car or home, but perhaps I can if it is on your desk as a judge or police interrogator. Exactly how this balance is struck is difficult to manage, and it is likely that multiple acceptable options exist. Reaching one of those options, however, depends on engaging with the law, rather than simply accepting the present form at face value.

Reasons to disobey law

There are two major reasons to disobey the law: because it is unjust, or because there is an ongoing emergency.

Refusing to turn up for duty when drafted to serve in an illegal war could be an example of the former. So could sharing a bottle of wine at dinner, while camping in a public park. In each case, an individual evaluation is made about the appropriateness of the existing rule to the present situation. If a compelling case can be made that the rule is harmful or irrelevant, it is sensible for thinking people to disregard it. Civil disobedience goes a bit further, since people go beyond breaking a law to activity and openly demonstrating the breach. This too can be a moral action, if it calls public attention to the injustice of an existing law, or the importance of some competing claim.

Breaking the law in emergencies is relatively uncontroversial. A sixteen-year-old who violates the terms of a learner’s license by driving a dying relative to the hospital is breaking the law in an entirely excusable way. This is recognized in the common law through the defence of necessity. One of the better features of the common law system, it is an overt recognition that law exists to serve the majority of cases, and will fail to produce good results when applied directly in some circumstances.

A duty of evaluation

In the end, the sensible position to take is accepting that in most places, most laws have a sensible reason for existing. That does not, however, absolve individuals of the duty to consider the circumstances in which they find themselves and the appropriateness of acting in one way or another, on the basis of what they reasonably expect the outcome of their actions to be. The alternative is a nation of unthinking robots, following rules that may be well balanced and wise – or arbitrary and viscious – with no more contemplation or personal responsibility than a missile launched by the state at a target that looked unfriendly to the rulers.

Facebook and the expectation of privacy

Graffiti on a bench

Another privacy spat has erupted in relation to Facebook, the social networking site. It all began when the site began actively advertising everything you did you all of your friends: every time a photo was updated or a relationship status changed, everyone could see it by default, rather than having to go looking. After that, it emerged that Facebook was selling information to third parties. Now, it seems that the applications people can install are getting access to more of their information than is required for them to operate, allowing the writers of such applications to collect and sell information such as the stated hometown and sexual orientation of anyone using them.

Normally, I am in favour of mechanisms to protect privacy and sympathetic to the fact that technology makes that harder to achieve. Facebook, I think, is different. As with a personal site, everything being posted is being intentionally put into the public domain. Those who think they have privacy on Facebook are being deluded and those who act as though information posted there is private are being foolish. The company should be more open about both facts, but I think they are within their rights to sell the information they are collecting.

The best advice for Facebook users is to keep the information posted trivial, and maintain the awareness that whatever finds its way online is likely to remain in someone’s records forever.

[Update: 12 February 2008] Canada’s Privacy Comissioner has a blog. It might be interesting reading for people concerned with such matters.

Bans, taxes, or nothing

Bridge over the Rideau Canal, with art

A former chairman of Shell has argued that the European Union should ban cars that get fewer than 35 miles per gallon. The basic idea is that there is no reason for cars to be less efficient than that and the new ones that do more poorly are intolerable luxury items. Forcing all cars to meet the standard is presented as a way of making the rich “do their share” when it comes to climate change.

Similar arguments exist about lightbulbs. Should governments ban incandescent bulbs, impose extra taxes on them, or do nothing? The last option won’t help with climate change mitigation. The middle option risks dividing the world between an upper class nicely lit in flattering yellow hues and an underclass rendered corpselike by flickering green compact fluorescent bulbs. Banning the bulbs outright could prevent their use in the few situations in which they are genuinely highly valuable, as evidenced by the willingness of their owners to cut emissions in other areas in order to not have to give them up.

The ideal solution is sustainable, tradeable carbon allowances. Everyone on earth gets about 750kg a year, and are free to trade it between them. Yes, the poor will sell to the rich, but they will do so voluntarily because the money is worth more to them than their emissions are. This certainly isn’t perfect (people may sell under duress or still lack sufficient means for a decent life), but it’s better than the ‘grab what you can’ approach that dominates presently. Of course, this allowance approach is hopelessly unrealistic. The emissions of people in the rich world are so far above what’s sustainable, they would never sign on to a system that required them to cut back as far as is appropriate.

Another big question has to do with induced technological change. Automakers will howl to the moon if you demand that they make 35mpg cars across the board. Sputtering, they will swear that it is impossible and even trying will bankrupt them. Actually forced to do so, however, it is probable they would squeak over the line. The question is whether such a policy would have benefits that outweigh the associated costs – including the perceived loss of liberty on the part of car makers and car owners.

How then do policymakers reconcile the possible with the fair, the risks associated with climate change and the reality of other social and equitable issues? The idea of forcing manufacturers of luxury cars to turn out models that get 50mpg does have appeal, but it is probably a mistake to conflate the fighting of climate change with the desire to reduce the profligacy of the wealthy. Excessive emissions are the behaviour properly targeted by climate policies: not pompous displays of extravagance. Mandated standards do have a role to play in situations where elasticity of demand is weak and there are possibilities for structural change. Those, in combination with carbon pricing, do have the capacity to help us move to a low-carbon economy. The devil of that transition, as ever, is in the details.